In July, the protests initiated by students in Bangladesh under the banner of the “Quota Reform Movement” continued with great intensity. The Bangladeshi state brutally attacked the students during these ongoing demonstrations. Hundreds of people lost their lives in these attacks. The student protests grew, gathering broader support and transforming into a movement against the ruling Awami League. The protesters, demanding the resignation of Prime Minister Hasina, organized demonstrations in the capital Dhaka with thousands of participants. The intensity of the protests decreased after Prime Minister Hasina fled the country.
During this process, we spoke with the Revolutionary Student-Youth Movement (RS-YM), which actively participated in the student movement, about the content, demands, and experiences of the protests. We are sharing our interview with Azad, a member of the RS-YM National Bureau, with our readers:
Yeni Demokrasi: First, could you briefly introduce your organization?
Azad: The name of our organization is the “Revolutionary Student-Youth Movement,” a Maoist mass organization rooted in Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. We believe that the current stage of revolution in our country is the New Democratic Revolution. This revolution cannot succeed without the leadership of the working class, and without it, the emancipation of the masses—especially workers and peasants—is impossible.
Our organization is dedicated to spreading the ideals of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism among students, youth, and the broader masses. We actively challenge and expose revisionist trends both politically and ideologically. We stand firm in our struggle against all imperialist powers, including the U.S., China, Russia, the EU, and Indian expansionism.
In addition, we express unwavering solidarity with the just movements and struggles of oppressed peoples, including workers and farmers, both domestically and internationally, and we actively participate in these struggles to the best of our ability.
We recognize that Bangladesh is a neo-colonial, semi-feudal state, and we believe that by completing the New Democratic Revolution, we can move forward towards the ultimate goal of establishing socialism and communism.
Yeni Demokrasi: How did the Quota Reform Movement begin? What stages did it go through, and how did it integrate with the masses?
Azad: The movement led by students and job seekers to abolish the 30% “Freedom Fighter”* quota and bring about logical reforms to the quota system began in 2018. Initially, the protests focused on “quota reform.” However, in response to the strong student movement, the fascist Hasina regime resorted to deception by canceling the entire quota system, threatening to reinstate the previous quota system if the students continued their demands for reform.
Subsequently, the government announced that there would be no quotas for first and second-class jobs, while third and fourth-class jobs would maintain the previous quotas. Despite this announcement, the government once again engaged in deceit. Following this, some children of freedom fighters, encouraged by Hasina, petitioned the High Court to reinstate the freedom fighter quota. As a result, on June 5, 2024, the Bangladesh High Court ordered the restoration of the quota system in government jobs as it existed before. The new quota distribution was: 30% for the children or grandchildren of freedom fighters, 10% for women, 10% for backward districts, 5% for tribal communities, and 1% for disabled individuals—reinstating a total of 56%.
A hearing was scheduled for July 4. This led to renewed student protests beginning in early June. Under pressure from the student movement, the High Court postponed its hearing for one month. However, since the students distrusted the High Court, viewing it as subservient to Hasina, they continued to demand quota reforms through an executive order. It later emerged that the High Court’s ruling had also stated that the government could alter the quota system by executive order. Nevertheless, the government repeatedly used the court as an excuse to avoid action. This was part of Hasina’s fascist strategy—to achieve her nefarious objectives by using the subservient High Court as a tool.
In her speech on July 14, 2024, the Prime Minister practically rebuked the protesters by labeling them as the “grandchildren of Razakars.” In Bangladesh, “Razakar” is a deeply offensive slur, synonymous with traitors, mass murderers, and rapists. The Razakar militia was formed as an accomplice to the Pakistani forces that committed genocide during the 1971 Liberation War. By comparing the protesting students to Razakars and placing them in the same category, the Prime Minister’s speech not only insulted the protesters but also sought to delegitimize their movement by associating them with the most heinous figures in the nation’s history.
In response to the Prime Minister’s humiliating statement, students from various universities across Bangladesh staged a protest rally on July 15, 2024, demanding both the withdrawal of the statement and logical reform of the quota system. The Hasina-Awami fascist government responded by deploying police forces and the Chhatra League (Hasina’s subservient, fascist student wing) to launch armed attacks on the unarmed protesters. Many students were injured during these brutal assaults.
On July 16, 2024, when students from various universities across the country resumed their protests, the police and Chhatra League escalated their violence, opening fire on the streets. At least six people were killed, including four students and two pedestrians, and more than 500 others were injured. Faced with this intense movement, the Prime Minister addressed the nation on July 17 and attempted a new strategy, calling for discussions with the students. However, by that time, the situation had deteriorated beyond repair. Hundreds of students had already been killed.
The opposition student movement responded by presenting a set of nine demands as conditions for negotiations. These included the resignation of the Home Minister and the Awami League General Secretary, as well as a public apology from the Prime Minister. As students across the country and abroad raised their voices against the attacks, the government took drastic measures by cutting off the nation’s internet access from July 18. This move was aimed at quelling the movement and keeping the outside world in the dark while police, BGB, SWAT, and snipers killed hundreds of students and masses.
With no other options, the government ultimately deployed the army and imposed a curfew starting July 20.
For 15 long years, revolutionary, democratic, and progressive organizations and forces in this country have been struggling against the Hasina-Awami fascist government. Various bourgeois parties, including the BNP, have also joined this struggle. The Awami fascist government has suppressed and imprisoned dissident groups under unjust laws, enforced disappearances and murders, and carried out prosecutions and mass arrests. There is nothing this government has not done to silence the voice of the people. By installing its own supporters within state institutions, including the police, administration, and judiciary, the government has stripped the people of their right to vote in three elections, forcibly clinging to power. Dissidents have been held in secret prisons known as “Aynaghor” for years, while unchecked price hikes have disrupted the lives of ordinary people, leading to a complete detachment of the government from the populace.
All revolutionary, democratic, and progressive organizations and forces supported and joined the quota reform movement. Additionally, BNP-Jamaat (bourgeois parties) joined the students’ movement, further strengthening it. The students’ quota reform movement was renamed the “Anti-Discrimination Student Movement” due to the unfair distribution of quotas—only 44% were based on merit, while 30% were reserved for the children and grandchildren of “freedom fighters” without any merit consideration.
To divert public attention from the legitimate student movement, the Hasina-Awami government repeatedly claimed that the movement was no longer in the hands of students and had been hijacked by BNP and Jamaat (an Islamic fundamentalist organization). The government arrested the movement’s coordinators multiple times, subjecting them to physical and mental torture, and coerced them into reading statements before the media to halt the movement. Despite this, the coordinators who remained free continued to announce the movement’s continuation. All political forces eventually called for the downfall of the government, and student leaders echoed this call. The government imposed a curfew for three days and later began to relax it.
A one-point demand for Hasina’s resignation was made on August 3, with a non-cooperation movement called to begin on August 4. In response, the government reimposed a complete curfew starting on August 5, 2024. Despite the curfew, students defied the restrictions and proceeded with their March to Dhaka program on the same day.
Meanwhile, the internal breakdown within the ruling class reached its final stage. Military bureaucrats withdrew their support from Hasina, while the bureaucracy and civil society loyal to Western imperialists came into full force. Many of Hasina’s ministers fled the country. On August 5, 2024, news broke of Hasina’s resignation. As students began arriving in Dhaka in large numbers, Hasina, the murderer, resigned and fled the country under army protection.
*Note: Those who fought under the leadership of India and the Awami League in the armed struggle for the creation of Bangladesh after separating from Pakistan in 1971 are referred to by the state as “freedom fighters.” Hasina maintained a quota for their children and grandchildren, leading to anger and frustration among educated yet unemployed youth.
Yeni Demokrasi: Was this law debated in previous years? What was the response of the people?
Azad: The Awami government created discrimination within Bangladesh’s quota system by reserving 30% of government jobs for the children and grandchildren of freedom fighters. The freedom fighters of 1971 fought out of patriotism, not to secure special privileges. Moreover, granting special benefits to their descendants after five decades is both discriminatory and unfair. Quotas are meant to uplift underprivileged and marginalized communities, but freedom fighters and their descendants do not fall into that category. This practice even contradicts the Constitution.
Hasina and the Awami League used this quota to maintain their monopoly over government jobs, making the Act highly controversial. Even children of many freedom fighters opposed the quota, recognizing its inherent unfairness. The public at large also demanded logical reforms, calling for the cancellation of this discriminatory provision. Bourgeois intellectuals and professionals joined in opposing the freedom fighter quota, advocating for a fairer system.
Yeni Demokrasi: How did things change after Hasina left the country? What was the role of the ruling class cliques in this process, and how did they impact the movement?
Azad: After Hasina’s departure, there was no revolutionary change in the situation. Although the movement took on a political dimension, the quota reform movement remained a demand-based movement for a long time. The “Anti-Discriminatory Student Movement” claimed to be a non-political platform, despite having the support and participation of various organizations and forces. However, their political leadership was weak. As a result, the “Third Power,” loyal to imperialist interests, seized the fruits of the student uprising.
Dr. Yunus, a loyal and trusted figure of Western imperialism who had been persecuted by the India-aligned Hasina-Awami fascist regime, was summoned to form a military-backed, imperialist “Third Power” interim government. This new regime is proposing reforms by removing Hasina-Awami loyalists from various state institutions and installing “Third Power” representatives in their place. The imperialists have given their support to this endeavor, while India is once again plotting against the fallen Hasina-Awami League.
Yeni Demokrasi: What lessons have you learned from this movement, and can you share these experiences with us?
Azad: One key lesson I’ve drawn from this movement is that without the leadership of the working class and the active participation of the working class and peasant masses, the power of the oppressed cannot be established. The ruling class brutally suppresses any just movement using its state forces. Therefore, the people must also arm themselves against the state forces of the ruling class.
The movement was bloody, but it lacked clear political direction for the people. Thousands were martyred, thousands more were injured, and hundreds were left paralyzed. The police force also sustained injuries in clashes with the crowd. Several state buildings were destroyed, and the homes of many Awami leaders and activists were set on fire. Although the fascist Hasina-Awami government eventually fell after much bloodshed during the students’ uprising, the power of the masses was not established.
In order to truly establish the power of the oppressed people in a third-world country like ours, it is necessary to wage a protracted people’s war and agrarian revolution under the leadership of the working class, guided by the Marxism-Leninism-Maoism (MLM) ideology. On this basis, we must organize an armed mass revolution by uniting various workers, laborers, and middle-class people in the cities.
Yeni Demokrasi: Lastly, is there anything else you would like to add?
Azad: Since the beginning of the anti-fascist movement against the fifteen-year Hasina-Awami regime, our organization, the “Revolutionary Student-Youth Movement,” along with its front organization, “Naya Ganatantrik Gonomorcha” (New Democratic People’s Forum), has played a significant role both individually and in alliance with the Anti-Fascist Left Front. Since 2018, we have been protesting for the resignation of the Hasina-Awami fascist government. In 2022, our student organization, together with six other anti-fascist student organizations, formed a united front that has actively participated in this student-mass movement.
However, the movement has now entered a new phase. The imperialist-backed ruling classes and their state apparatuses are in crisis, attempting to reorganize themselves, but they will inevitably face new challenges. In this context, students, workers, and farmers must prepare for a renewed struggle.
Azad
Member, National Committee,
Revolutionary Student-Youth Movement (RS-YM)
