The Swamp Where Bob Avakian Fell! The Dead End Of The Communist Party Of The Philippines!
The US imperialist system has been dragged into a political crisis along with the economic crisis that broke out in 2008. Because the 2008 crisis is not a simple financial and production crisis. This crisis has a very extensive and deep character, which shows that the accumulation model of a whole system is difficult to maintain anymore, leading to a discussion of new accumulation models. It is seen that the 2008 crisis has been carried over to this day with almost all its effects and continuity. In the economy, it is seen that endless aftershocks continue after the big earthquake and a new and more destructive earthquake is coming. It has been seen that this picture has a multiplier effect on the political crisis of the imperialist system. There is a serious economic and political crisis extending from the Middle East to Africa, from Far Asia to the Caucasus, from Latin America to imperialist centers, from the Balkans to Eastern Europe. This crisis environment not only affected the inter-imperialist contradictions and the relations between the imperialists and their semi-colonies, but also affected the struggle between the internal cliques of the imperialist countries. In general, we have come across the situation that the world imperialist-capitalist system is in a deep political crisis and this crisis will not stop.
It is not a fate or a coincidence that the world imperialist-capitalist system, the dominant power of the USA, is in the position most affected by this crisis, it is the natural course of dialectics. The fact that it is the dominant power makes the crisis environment more appetizing for other imperialist powers and makes the moves that will make the US imperialism decline. It is in question that China organizes these moves in the economic field and Russia in the political-military field clearly and more decisively. EU imperialists, on the other hand, seek to break the leadership and influence of the USA within the “Western Imperialist” bloc. This means a multilayered conflict, tension and struggle. In this multi-layered crisis environment, the struggle between the monopoly bourgeoisie within the US imperialist system has been scaled and will continue to scale in a natural course. The science of dialectical-historical materialism has taught us that the struggle between cliques will inevitably escalate within the structure of the power with the crisis that has entered a declining tendency.
The Importance of Independent Political Identity!
The condensation of contradictions of these cliques means new opportunities and possibilities for revolution, for oppressed peoples and nations. However, a correct political attitude, correct analysis of developments and, of course, the sophistication of the level of organization of the oppressed people will make use of these opportunities seriously. But more importantly, it will only be possible to make use of this situation if the proletariat embraces its “independent political action and identity” based on its own class interests. Which will be decisive is, the “political line” of the proletariat, as Comrade Mao calls it. Marx and Engels determined the following determination, which can be regarded as the basic principle, at the time when the proletariat was just emerging as a class for itself: “To maintain their independence, to measure their own strength, to display their revolutionary stance to the public, to achieve political progress.” It does not take long for the political representatives of the proletariat, who miss out these attitudes, to anchor in class collaborator, revisionist and opportunist lines. The question of “independent political action” has been an issue that comrades Lenin, Stalin, and Mao never forget, carefully and jealously watched in all kinds of contradictions, alliances, political attitudes and positions. That also corresponds to an ideological positioning. This ideological identity is indispensable for the historical march of the proletariat, to sustain revolutions and to build communism.
In the recent US presidential elections, the position taken by the progressive-revolutionary and even some forces who call themselves “maoists” showed the extent of the liquidationist, reformist process and the siege to the independent political action and identity of the proletariat. During the elections between Joe Biden and Donald Trump, the whole world turned its eyes to this competition and focused on the scoreboard that will come out of the ballot box. The main axis of the election debate was formed through the perception of a struggle between Trump, who represents “fascism, militarism, racism, misogyny and reactionism”, and Biden, who can be considered as the best of evil against it, that will remain “bound by bourgeois democratic norms. That is to say, the issue was defined not as a struggle between two reactionary cliques of the monopoly imperialist bourgeoisie, but as a struggle between representatives of two separate values.
Trump is the most reactionary, chauvinistic representative of the reactionary bourgeois monopolies trying to inflict fascism upon the imperialist USA; Biden, on the other hand, is a more reasonable “bourgeoisie” trying to protect bourgeois democracy. This equation created and the discussions did not fall of the agenda throughout the process.
Those Who Do Not Understand Fascism Cannot Understand the Nature of Developments!
This was the picture presented to all the peoples of the world. No period has been faded as in this election period, where the USA is a brutal, barbaric and ruthless imperialist system and has been the leader of the world imperialist-capitalist system for 75 years and has applied all kinds of cruelty to oppressed peoples and nations. Because, whether it is barbaric or brutal, a positivism in the form of an imperialist system can be preferred by the choice of “bourgeois democracy” has almost been revived. By eroding the fascism analysis of the MLM, the developments and the wrong reading of the process, anxiety and fears have also escalated, and an ideological position has been created that is almost destroyed.
Firstly, two types of government are needed for the imperialist-capitalist system to maintain its dictatorship. One is bourgeois democracy and the other is fascism. Fascism was born as a child of the imperialist era. The partially progressive gunpowder of the monopolized bourgeoisie in the competitive capitalist period is now exhausted, and its system has acquired a structure that conceived of comprehensive and multidimensional crises. This situation has brought the bourgeois reaction’s need for the most reactionary, aggressive, chauvinistic and rotten form of government in order to manage its national interests, the crisis structure of its capital. Fascism in its most rigid form is defined as “the open terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary, chauvinistic, most imperialist elements of finance capital”. This is also another form of the dictatorship of the bourgeois ruling classes. A systematic form of government that the monopoly bourgeoisie had to add to the option of bourgeois democracy in the imperialist era. The transition of an imperialist-capitalist system with bourgeois democracy to fascism can be possible with the compulsory push of historical conditions, accompanied by very bloody, big political crises that are not easy to evolve. As the system changes shape, it realizes this in a difficult, bloody way that carries great contradictions in its heart. In that case, the convenience of a series of developments is sought, such as the extent of the contradiction between the ruling class cliques, the positioning of the masses, the re-establishment of the balance of power, the nature of international contradictions. This is especially valid for a dominant imperialist power.
Secondly, fascism is not a concept that can be explained by the fascist nature of a person. In this context, the fact that chauvinist, reactionary, bigoted figures are ministers, prime ministers and presidents in bourgeois democracy does not mean that the system has a fascist character and that system change has taken place. With the result of the “one election” competition, the system does not change shape or take a new shape. Historical experiences are indicative of this. Of course, history has also shown us the following: the execution of a bourgeois dictatorship in the established system with the discourse of “socialism” and the personality structure of a “leader” or the functioning of the same system through a “leader” selected with fascist characteristics. The question is what the interests of the ruling bourgeois classes are. The rules of the established system are whether that leader has created himself within its laws. The transition to fascism, on the other hand, emerges from the fact that the established system is now crumbling, the socio-political-economic contradictions are no longer manageable, and the expectation in the balance of power between the ruling class cliques and the radical change in their future concerns force them to seek another search. The conditions that gave rise to the advent of fascism under the leadership of Hitler in Germany are such conditions. Having lost war, struggling in great crises, the existing system no longer has a response in the masses, the German bourgeoisie aches for new market areas, where socialism has become a threat to the world system and is on the agenda of all oppressed peoples, the search for change in the balance of power in the imperialist rule, the fascist form of dictatorship came to life at the end of a rather bloody, difficult and heavy process. For the imperialist countries with deep-rooted bourgeois democracies to forget the fact that fascism has historically been cursed, to forget that they will tend to prefer this system as a whole, leaving aside bourgeois democracy in conditions of crisis that it is very necessary and unable to cope with, to underestimate the mind and historical consciousness of the bourgeoisie. The problem will be to discuss with a one-sided idealism, in which the superstructure element for political-ideological-cultural traditions is ignored besides economic conditions. In this case, it should be seen that the imperialist systems based on bourgeois democracy will be obliged to prefer fascism, and that historical imperatives and intensifying contradictions will become possible with the emergence of a serious survival problem for them.
Thirdly, in the era of imperialism, the fascist state form is continuous due to the economic and political conditions of semi-colonial semi-feudal countries. Likewise, the transition of semi-colonial semi-feudal countries to “bourgeois democracy” is not related to its will. In the era of imperialism, the problem of democracy in these countries is now a question of revolution, led by the proletariat. The systematic of the revolution that will take place with the unique contributions of Comrade Mao is called the NEW DEMOCRATIC REVOLUTION. That is, a democratic revolution that will provide the historical transition conditions to socialism under the leadership of the proletariat. In this context, the transition of the ruling classes from fascism to bourgeois democracy or from bourgeois democracy to fascism is not an easy matter. While the first conditions a revolution under the leadership of the proletariat, the second depends on the crisis of the world system, the extent of the contradiction between imperialist powers and the difficulties experienced by the ruling bourgeois classes.
Fourthly, just as there is no pure democracy in reactionary bourgeois-democratic forms of government, fascistic practices are inherent in the system itself. As the course of developments and the need to manage the crisis, fascistic practices can escalate and become effective even when the bourgeois-democratic form is dominant. This chauvinist, racist and most reactionary aggression based on repression only comes to life without assuming the fascist form that the imperialist system always needs, without going beyond the boundaries of bourgeois-democracy.
There have always been chauvinism, racism, militarism, misogyny, anti-communism and political oppressions against worker-laborers in the imperialist central countries, that is, countries that maintain their dictatorship with bourgeois democracy. The dimensioning of the wave of reactionism in some periods does not show that the existing system has evolved into fascism. Fascism is a form of government in itself. Because under the conditions where fascism is built, classes, strata and segments that are taken out of the system expand and all social balance and the means of social revolution, class alliances, undergo change. The alliance policy of the proletariat, the mode of struggle is different under fascism, and under bourgeois democracy.
In other words, it is wrong to define fascism as the attitude of the leaders, the periodic or certain parts of the system, the attacks in fascistic ways without system change. This trivializes the theoretical definition of fascism. That causes wrong analysis of the objective situation, the conditions of the social revolution, and distorts the consciousness of the masses on the right basis and the struggle against the system with the right tools and methods.
Bourgeois Democracy Is Involved in Fascistic Practices! Seeking Pure Democracy is Foolishness!
On the occasion of the US presidential election, the question of fascism and bourgeois democracy, a serious break in consciousness over the fascistic tendencies of the leaders and the more reactionary orientation of the bourgeois classes they represent, on the issue of class alliances and in tactical politics, leads to organize a reformist line. And it is possible to detect the signs of this today.
Without making a fundamental change in US imperialist policies and orientation, Trump encourages racism in domestic politics, supports misogynist and reactionary traditions, surrounds workers and laborers with new economic attacks, raises the violence of the state’s law enforcement forces, paves the way for chauvinist-racist organizations and armament, has an attitude that makes the members of the reactionary “white” race and sects effective and makes legal regulations in accordance with all these. In addition, his stronger defense of trade wars aimed at making national borders a safer area for a solution to the crisis of monopoly capital and the periodic and temporary policies of closure policies which increases the erosion especially against the “western values” and increases the tension among the “western imperialist” bloc, made neo-liberal policies more debatable. It is precisely the Trump clique’s partial erosion of the “liberal” economic and political arguments of the bourgeoisie, using naturally “rightist” and even more reactionary rhetoric, the tendency of partial national closure, and the historical fact that the monopoly bourgeoisie entered this line in domestic politics, cause the discussion of fascism, in forgetting the historical reality.
Trump’s way of managing the epidemic process, the way workers dealt with the process with reactionary arguments and reckless approaches in the face of a major health problem have led to the addition of new arguments for claims and approaches that he “built fascism”. It is a fact that the police make their defense of the “white race” more open than their predecessors against the racist attacks and massacres of blacks that have become routine in the USA. The approach that started with the murder of a black youth in May against the “Black Lives Matter” movement which continued for months, made his reactionary mass openly hostile to this movement and thus increased the dose of aggression, is also a fact. These facts have formed basis for approaches leading to a distinction between Trump, US system and previous presidents.
This movement has relatively radical characteristics compared to previous anti-fascist movements and fills the streets with a courage that challenges the pandemic conditions. In the face of these characteristics of the movement, the Trump reactionism, the effort to paralyze the target mass determined by the election ambience and to use it as a ground for getting stronger is a fact that cannot be ignored.
This reckless position has both strengthened the anti-fascist movement and highlighted its anti-Trump character. The emergence of this revolt in the pre-election period and in an atmosphere where the clash of the US imperialist monopolies increased, and the Democrats’ attempts to use this movement in their favor, under the leadership of Biden, unlike Trump, put the US elections into an electoral competition between fascism and democracy. When this situation is added to the politicized structure of the interest in the elections, which is as politicized as possible under the conditions affected by the economic and political crisis and the epidemic, the political formation of the masses and their attitude towards the problem have been thrown to the extreme.
It should be added to all these, especially in the last 20 years, that the imperialist-capitalist system and its lackeys have formed the leadership profile of “low-level”, “lumpen”, “populist” characters as a trend. They have an attitude that goes beyond the usual diplomatic norms and plays in the national pride and populist aspects of the masses in domestic politics. This leader profile has formed a line that is extremely reckless, humiliating its relations with its adversaries, appealing to the spirit of the masses supporting it and trying to keep its support strong and prolong its existence. While Chavez is an example of this on the “left” side, he did not advance socialism or the consciousness of democratic revolution and power, and carried out the masses’ sympathies of revolution and socialism with a lumpen anti-U.S. leadership that did not go beyond “left populism” with a political line that lacked content. Although Chávez pursues “populist” policies in political discourse and some practices, he has assumed a role that essentially ensures the maintenance of the dominant bourgeois system and breaks the consciousness of the revolutionary power of the masses.
Other reactionary ruling states and systems who started with Sarkozy and continues with Macron in France, Recep Tayyip Erdogan in Turkey, Duterte in the Philippines, Timechenko in Ukraine, Saakashvili in Georgia, Orban in Hungary, Bolsonaro in Brazil, Johnson in England and finally Trump have built a leadership with lumpen, sexist, chauvinistic and reactionary rhetoric, holding the mass base on which they are based and surfing on the reactionary right-wing wave. It is worth noting that this low, lumpen, content and worthless leadership style is a trend in the world reaction. This leadership profile, bypassing that states are shaped as an apparatus that maintains the rule of a class, has provided great opportunities for those who mistakenly assume that they are shaped by the two lips of leaders and their will. It is a clear fact that these leader profiles need mass support as much as possible, and they follow a style of politics that reinforces this support when the contradictions are sharpened. To argue that the systems change through the discourses and approaches of these leaders and that they will easily take another form means not having a command of the laws of history and social science. In the USA, it is possible for Trump to come forward with the “new leader” profile of the time, to cling to reactionary arguments in order to stay more at the wheel and to put the state on a more reactionary course by preserving the principles of the existing system.
Complex Period and Contradictions Clarify the Quality of Leaders!
The sum of all this, it is asserted that Trump has not only increased the dose of fascist attacks, but will suspend the bourgeois democracy, that he has built a fascist US system, that he will bring fascism to the USA and that he needs another election for a complete institutionalization, and he will not even recognize the election results. In this context, the argument that Trump organizes militarist forces and prepares for civil war, that he is a mad fascist who holds nuclear bombs and will use it to destroy the world completely, that he is so dazzled enough to drag the whole world into disasters has turned into a heavy political discourse, and finally the mouvements emerged who specifies the tactical politics under this discourse, on behalf of “revolutionism and communism”. This was reflected in the attitudes taken on the election issue and the handling of the alliance policy, but the organizational policy and positioning were not attached to a “communist” form of struggle against the foresight of a serious system change at this level.
In the elections in the USA, the movement led by Bob Avakian has openly supported Joe Biden’s struggle against fascism and embracing “bourgeois democracy” and has undertaken organizational efforts. Worldwide, against the Trump reactionism, left-revolutionary-democrat-progressive and even “communist” segments have turned to anti-Trump in elections, in this context, the “chief danger” of the reactionism is Trump, and a political attitude that will include getting rid of an imperialist trouble that will bring fascism. So much so that it was blown by the liberal bourgeois factions and caused serious confusion among anti-imperialist and democratic, revolutionary and nationalist and even “communist” subjects. In this context, even a congratulatory message was issued by the Communist Party of the Philippines, the leader of the Philippines People’s War, for the election defeat of Trump. Undoubtedly, it is routine for communists and revolutionaries to celebrate the resistance, struggle and achievements of the oppressed peoples and create inspiration from it. But celebrating the loss of a reactionary (Biden is the winner) in the elections in which the US imperialist system decides who will sit at the helm of the reactionism, celebrating the masses of the people who voted for his losing is the result of a confusion, a deviation, a blur of consciousness. This attitude is an excessive, unnecessary and absurd meaning attributed to “elections” in the communists’ goal of revolution and the further struggle for communism, imperialist politics and aggression that will not change with the replacement of one reactionary clique in an imperialist center. It means nothing more than a moral support on the people’s front. It also shows us the extent of confusion on the front of the oppressed peoples. This is important and needs to be emphasized.
The clamor that the Avakianist line contributed to the MLM with all its far-left and radical rhetoric, and even the absurdity of “without defending Bob Avakian, Maoizm can not be defended” was tragic. Anchoring to a class collaborative point in the face of Trump, who is trying to gain a place within the structure of the established system that does not “adopt” itself by surfing the lumpen, low-level and reactionary wave in the USA. It has been observed that the US system has increased or decreased the dose of its attacks for hundreds of years, during the crisis in the economy or in relatively stable periods, the threat perception and parallelly political crisis conditions. Fascistic characteristics and attacks through bourgeois democracy are in the essence of this system. Ultimately, based on a theory of crisis and the breakdown of the dominant imperialist power of the USA, without determining the need for “fascism”, the process analysis based on the phenomenon that Trump and his clique desire fascism, locked on anti-Trump opposition and disperses this movement at the point of policy-making. The ability of MLM to explain crises through all the dynamics, characteristics, components and historical conditions of the system has been forgotten by the Avakianist line. In this axis, the examination, the analysis regarding the determination of tactical policy in the course of developments have been ignored. “Tactics must be based on a cold-blooded and firmly objective appraisal of all class forces of every given state (and the states that surround it, that is, all states in the world), and on taking into account the experience of revolutionary movements,” Lenin advised, but they escaped from him and determined their tactics with a superficial, idealist process analysis, state analysis, and fascism conception.
The Reformist Line That Avakianism Constitutes with Eclectism
Avakianism has made of the result the reason, by ignoring that fascism is a system produced by imperialist-capitalism on the economic, social and political grounds. In other words, by putting Trump as the reason to build fascism, it turned the MLM theory upside down and, with idealist one-sidedness, hit the communist line and quickly sidled towards reformism and class collaboration.
In this context, the Avakianist line was shaken with a fear of Trump, with the fascism and state concepts that it could not grasp in 2017. Trump’s fear, Trump’s reckless and vulgar lumpen style, and fascistic attacks based on the reactionary political line that is raising around the world (the history of US imperialism is the history of fascistic attacks under the rule of bourgeois democracy, so we are not talking about something specific in Trump) and to increase his own power, grow his influence within the system based on the large masses in order to be fed by their strong moves towards reactionary line. That shows the balance of power in the USA, the nature of the US imperialist cliques, the reality that the USA, which is still the dominant power in the world, will experience serious problems with a radical system change, that the world conjuncture and ground that feeds Hitler is still not mature today, there is no question of the existence of a socialist system danger. It has forgotten a series of dynamics and the determination has been made that US imperialism will transition to fascism with Trump. And in the elections between Biden and Trump he called for the Biden reactionism to vote to overcome the “Trumpian” reactionism.
Bob Avakian states the following in his article containing his attitude on the elections: “At this critical hour, every appropriate means of non-violent action must be utilized to remove this regime from power. And if, in spite of mass protest demanding the removal of the Trump/Pence regime, this regime remains in power when it is time for voting, then—without placing fundamental reliance on this—using all appropriate means to work for the removal of this regime must include voting against Trump (assuming the election is actually held). To be clear, this means not a “protest vote” for some candidate who has no chance of winning, but actually voting for the Democratic Party candidate, Biden, in order to effectively vote against Trump”.
As the quote suggests, sin is not limited to wrong analysis. This understanding, which does not see any harm in actively supporting Biden, the other reactionary clique of the imperialist monopolies in the name of “preventing the coming of fascism” in the elections, was enough to invite the masses to remain in “peaceful action” during the rebellion when the “Black Lives Matter” movement took to the streets by using violence. He sensed the danger “and drew a stop warning to the movement of the masses with the” language of fascism “as a” pioneer “. He reinforced this by saying “stay away from violence” in the line of struggle to be followed during the election period. The state of lagging behind the action of the masses may be understandable in terms of the understanding, abilities and class nature of this movement. However, with this attitude, he has shown how distant and disconnected from the MLM perspective about struggle against fascism and, not so serious in its clamor that he has heard the “footsteps of fascism”. Turning away from the historical experience of the international proletariat, instead of being fed from there, he did not content himself with making analyzes of fascism that relied on his own narrow empiricism and lacking theoretical depth, but almost escaped from being formed according to the necessity of this determination and developing a political attitude. He has forgotten the necessity to enlarge and empower the movement of the masses, if there is a danger of fascism, to turn it into stronger organizations, and even to create the most serious preparation area for armed struggle. There is a conclusion to be drawn: to make a call for voting BIDEN reactionism. As a result of the elections he said, “So celebrate the victory in the election, defend it. And think very seriously about the consequences that will emerge, how we will face them, how we will move forward to the world we need ”(the website of New Communism), and with the call to own the ballot boxes, independent action and independent identity has been moved to a point that even the average political movement cannot lose. He made a call to the masses to “own the ballot boxes “. This is the disease of parliamentarism, it has all the characteristics that Engels described as “the tendency to” toil for instant success “, that is, opportunism, at the expense of the future of the movement.
The sin of the Avakianist movement in this process and the issue of elections is not limited to these. An argument used in opposition to Trump has been the danger of “civil war” and major problems with nuclear weapons. The fact that a revolutionary movement creates a perception of a threat to the people from the “civil war” and sees it as a dangerous matter shows that it is now moving away from the concern of revolution, and alienated from the struggle of the proletariat and revolutionary classes to win everything. Revolutionary classes cannot be moved forward by being scared of civil war, the class and social conditions in which civil war arose mean great opportunities and possibilities for the revolutionary classes and its vanguard. Revolutionism itself is an effort to turn this situation into revolutionary war. The Avakianist movement has forgotten this MLM fact, and accordingly, instead of a political formation, it has fallen into concerns and class positioning that a middle class party and a liberal movement will fall. The same policy of intimidation came into play in the nuclear weapons issue. In the tension between the USA and the Soviets, he has forgotten that Comrade Mao has clearly made the “paper tiger” allusion, which he criticized revisionism for fear of nuclear war, defying the US imperialism’s discipline by showing this power.
In the sharp struggle and electoral competition between the cliques of the reactionary imperialist US state, this ideological political line of the Avakian movement is the appropriation of the revisionist stained, dirty and ruined flag. It should be seen that this attitude is a typical result of the liquidationist and reformist line that encompasses the communist and revolutionary line blowing on the world scale. The Avakians have forgotten or permanently buried in the ground with a terrible bourgeois point of view that the imperialist policies of their rulers in an imperialist center are the main and dangerous line and that the implementation of this imperialist line with all its cliques must be the main target. He has been a partner of every crime that Biden will commit against oppressed peoples and nations, the US working class and laborers, and with his call, he has succeeded in carrying lead to the imperialist arsenal modestly.
The Fear of “Western Values are Lost” and Enlightenment!
What has led to this extreme deviation of the Avakianist line is, on the one hand, Trump has been under the influence of the debate that he is not capable of widening the cracks in the “western imperialist” bloc, not capable of carrying their reactionary bourgeois values (which he carries as strong as possible). The perception of the EU ruling classes and liberals that Trump will shelve the “universal democratic” values that have created the status quo, has raised the positivist and enlightenment side of this movement. It believed that he would implement imperialist policies by building fascism and that this would be the repetition of the disasters caused by Hitler’s fascism, it wanted to believe. This is a politico-ideological defect inherited from enlightenment. It has been forgotten that the reactionary dimension of the imperialist monopolies, the hostility of this system against oppressed peoples and nations, and that democratic values produce reaction as a prop of imperialist ambitions. This implicitly preserving western bloc and the values it produces is the most banal form of enlightenment. The revolutionary approach, which should focus on the deepening of the contradiction between the imperialist powers, has been replaced by the fear of the dissolution of the “western imperialist” bloc. This is an embarrassing ideological conformation.
Congratulations from the Communist Party of the Philippines to the US Elections!
However, the confusion in the progressive, revolutionary and “communist” forces is not limited to the Avakian line. With the losing of Trump (Biden won), the Communist Party of the Philippines “congratulated” a subject whom he described as “the people” but whose address is unknown. In its congratulatory message, the CPP stated, “It deserves praise for preventing Trumpian fascism, militarism, racism, misogyny and reaction”, and stated in what context it celebrates the election results. In the other parts of the message, he embellished the uninterrupted imperialist policies of the USA for 75 years with reasons that were not unique in Trump and added the following attacks against the people, which have been implemented since its establishment: “He implemented economic policies that promoted tax cuts and further concentration of wealth in the hands of monopoly capitalists and causing millions of working-class Americans to suffer widespread joblessness, low wages, lack of access to public services, indebtedness, homelessness and other social ills. Under Trump, US imperialist militarism and aggression intensified. He continued to employ and expand economic sanctions against countries asserting independence. He expanded the US “war on terror” to push US military aggression.”
In the final analysis, the CPP sent praise and congratulations to the mass who supported the deceiving and manipulation of the masses in the election race of two reactionary cliques in an imperialist country and one of the reactionary cliques, Biden. That is to say, it is congratulated for the masses to be deceived by a clique and the masses to be deceived. Objectively, the message celebrates this. A picture has been created as if the elections and the parliament or the presidential competition had a unique situation in the imperialist USA that would negate Comrade Lenin’s emphasis on the elections. These elections in the USA determined which clique will oppress, exploit, suppress the people for four years; These elections have determined which imperialist clique will kill the peoples of the world and the oppressed nations, and lead the barbaric and brutal financial, political and military attacks. Nothing more.
The CPP’s perception of Trump’s losing as a success and a tribute to the public, despite the fact that the US elections were politicized as much as possible and took place in a great crisis atmosphere, is directly related to the role they assigned to the elections. The reality of the people being directed to choose one between two reactionary cliques, the energy of struggle, the reaction to the system by the cliques in this electoral atmosphere for the approval of the imperialist policy has almost disappeared. The analysis of “US President-elect Joe Biden rode on the crest of a gigantic wave of democratic mass movement which has engulfed the entire country. The Black Lives Matter movement since the start of May is the latest display of mass opposition following the show of mass resistance by American workers, immigrants, women, youth and other sectors of American society. ” misunderstood the relationship established between the anti-fascist movement and the elections, which should be established from the point of view of the communists. It is a fact that this movement is a movement of anger and reaction, including the crisis of the system that emerged with the epidemic, the scale of reactionary laws, and the new forms of economic aggression. It is a fact that a clique of the US ruling classes manipulated this movement on the grounds of fear of Trump, the specter of fascism and the threat of American democracy, and turned it into a dynamism through elections. Thus, the angry and reactive movement, which has the potential to get out of the system, was drawn into the system through elections, and this movement was put into a position that strengthened itself in the clique struggle by Biden as an imperialist clique. Here, it has been forgotten what the return for Trump’s losing, what kind of result he produced, and that another clique, which embraces itself by “sympathizing with” the demands of the masses, will seize all the revolutionary and progressive energy of this mass movement from the streets and rein in its hands.
The CPP is mistaken with the Trumpian fascism analysis. We have touched on this issue above. Trump and the class he represents do not foresee a change in the form of the system with more fascistic attacks and more racist nature. The policies he followed for 4 years, the insurances that have been put into action in the functioning state mechanism of US imperialism and the necessity of Trump’s obedience to this clearly showed this. In other words, the determination of “fascism” of Trump’s reactionary attacks and strengthening his mass base with these discourses is a sign of incomprehension of the fascism theory of MLM. Trump’s every line that is incompatible with the orientation of US imperialism has led to the fact that the policies of the USA have uncertainties, and the creation of exceptional situations that would be incompatible with the president. However, each time, in the interests of the big imperialist monopolies, it was able to find the direction of the state mechanism. This sometimes came to life at the cost of deceiving Trump (such as not implementing the decision to withdraw troops in Syria – from James Jeffrey’s statements -) and sometimes at the cost of pushing Trump into an incoherent position. On this axis, there is no reference to the four-year Trumpian US policy of changing the regime and the US system and turning it into a fascist character. Trump is essentially no different from previous US presidents. What it realizes is the interests of the US imperialist monopolies. On the other hand, characteristics such as more lumpen, more vulgar, more stupid, more reckless, less level-headed, more utterly utilitarian have no equivalent in the pursued political orientation. Even looking at the recent history, not the period when anti-communist attacks were intense, will guide us to a certain extent. It should be remembered from the line that g.w. Bush followed with the concept of “Either you are from us or you are on the side of terrorism”, to what extent the Patriot Act, which he put into effect in 2001 under the name of international terrorism, increased the dose of the attack. The USA has been the state of imperialist barbarism, a system in which each president has searched for the other for 75 years. This will be understood when one looks at the historical experiences, US presidents and their actions. On this axis, Trump has exactly followed in the footsteps of his predecessors. Biden, on the other hand, will follow Trump’s footsteps by making small touches and creating a traditional state administration style. In this picture, the trick of Trump danger, in a way that obscures the crimes committed by US imperialism in the world in general; It is not the job of the communists to congratulate in oblivion for the losing of one clique and the reality gained by another reactionary clique because of a struggle between cliques. Communists clearly focus on the dangers awaiting the people, not wasting the revolutionary energy of the people in the struggle between the cliques.
Communists Oppose to Backing Up the Revolutionary Energy of the Masses to the System!
The competition between Trump and Biden has magnified the crisis of the US system. It has been revealed that the US imperialism and its democracy, which is a model for the world and leads the world system, are phony. Distrust in the elections was accompanied by a crisis and debate. It is necessary to see Trump’s contribution and influence in this. It is necessary to conclude to what extent the conflict between dominant cliques has grown. In this picture, the communists should support the exposure of US imperialism with all its institutions, formations and cliques, reveal the rotten structure of the system, and the masses to push the revolutionary option in this rottenness.
The CPP’s congratulatory message and attitude will be to obscure the role and mission of the elections. In addition, although CPP wrote a congratulatory message with the criticisms of Biden, being happy with the departure of the loser Trump serves to create an objective expectation from the coming and to develop this consciousness in the masses.
We stand by the US people’s attempt against the epidemic, racism and economic attacks, the anger and resentment carried by the masses. We encourage and warn that this action should not be used by any reactionary clique, strengthening their independent progressive and democratic identity.
“The proletariat alone has the capacity to achieve the complete democratization of the political and social system because it will put the system in the hands of the workers”, “the unification of the democratic aspirations of the working class and the democratic activity of the other classes and groups will weaken the democratic movement, the less determined that it will weaken the political struggle.” On the other hand, if the working class stands out as the vanguard fighter of the struggle for democratic institutions, it will strengthen the democratic movement, strengthen the struggle for political freedom … “Comrade Lenin would be more prone to the talents and political aims of the proletariat. This emphasis on towards should be remembered. Now we can adopt the same approach for the democratic movement of the US people, for an alliance of the oppressed, for their demand and action. The US proletariat has the capacity to democratize the entire system. It is clear that the democratic and progressive movement will weaken at the point where the US democratic movement and the struggling forces falter against the system, come to the game of another reactionary imperialist clique and go hand in hand with this reactionary clique instead of creating a more independent and dynamic movement. The fact that the popular movement was politicized by the election competition and weakened by the Biden clique is obvious. This is a clear and decisive negativity for communists. Turning this negativity into congratulations rather than revealing it undoubtedly has a direct relationship with the point of view on the problem.
In its message, the CPP says that “America’s working class and people must continue to organize and mobilize in order for the Biden government to react quickly to these urgent demands. The conditions are favorable for the proletarian revolutionaries to strengthen their ranks and expand their leadership. ” With this message, the CPP sets a clear expectation criterion, badly giving false advice to the masses of the US and the proletarian vanguard with its mission and responsibility of the “communist vanguard” of another country. Communists do not confine organization and struggle with urgent demands, but firmly attach this struggle to the struggle for power. This other tactic is the complement of everyday policy and a whole strategic line. The CPP gives advice, almost like a reformist movement and subject in the USA, and takes a strange position against the elections unnecessarily. The CPP should demand its own struggle against all the crimes of the imperialist US state and the struggle of the entire US people against these imperialist policies and the attack on them, and should support such struggles. It is a clear deviation from the success achieved through the elections, especially when they wrote this to another reactionary imperialist clique and turned it in favor of the struggle between the cliques, that the Communists pulled out a success story here, it is a false awareness of the people of the United States and its own people, a blunting of their independent political identity.
“Reformist tactics are the least likely to realize real reforms. The most effective way to achieve real reforms is to follow revolutionary class struggle tactics”. Our advice to ourselves and to all the peoples of the world should be this clear line of Comrade Lenin. A line that goes beyond this will not meet urgent demands, nor will the reformer deliver improvements. The issue of uniting with the slogans and borders of the reformist bourgeoisie, let alone with the slogans of a clique of reactionary imperialist monopolies, is an open issue for communists. Comrade Lenin says: “By combining our slogans with the slogans of the reformist bourgeoisie, we weaken the cause of revolution, and consequently also the cause of reform, because in this way we reduce the independence, courage and power of the revolutionary classes.” So what happened in the US elections? A clique of reactionary classes backed up the reformist bourgeoisie and encouraged it to follow a line of action involving unification. Biden obviously used this in the elections and achieved results. At the point where the communists make clear against this faltering class attitude of the reformist bourgeoisie, they will more strongly determine how and to what extent it will fight against the representatives of the counter-revolutionary classes. Otherwise, the reactionary cliques will face the danger of losing all their identity and independence in the worst state of class collaboration with wrong tactics in the power struggle. This is what the CPP has done. While the fusion of the US proletariat and the popular masses with the Biden line in the elections and the blood supply to it is a matter of criticism, warning and making the lines clearer, the CPP congratulates this.
This line is not a true and good message to anti-imperialists or even the oppressed. To make them mis-conscious at the point of imperialist rulers, at the point of their clique struggles, would be to complicate the already complicated facts rather than clarify them. This attitude will cripple the anti-imperialist line. It will cause ruptures in the struggle and independent actions of the masses, and will open the door to class collaborative reformist lines. Most importantly, it will feed and enlarge the right line that is blowing within the revolutionary-democratic forces around the world.
As A Result:
The US elections have been politicized by creating a fear of Trump. Trump, on the other hand, wanted to protect himself by feeding on the anti-communist vein and to ossify the social layer with a strong reactionary ground. On this axis, the US state has won its imperialist monopolies. At one end, Trump with Biden at one end, reaction was fueled by Trump and presented as death to the public, Biden was accepted as “malaria” and the popular opposition was almost peacefully drawn into the system. The process going through is one in which reaction is in a continuous dynamic progress. In this context, by preserving the essence of the given regime of the states, the oppressed are dragged against the cliques that use the reaction relatively more, and against the cliques, which are relatively softer and do not need to clamor, but try to sit at the helm of the same system. Erdogan creating fear in Turkey, one man telling ballads functioning fascism and fascism which continues since 97 years is justified his reactionary clique, clique is dragged after these elections through mass. The liquidationist understanding of all kinds is in the influence and vortex of a line that believes that everything changes with elections and that makes the masses believe, and that makes their struggle and face elections. This is a situation in which the subjects who claim to be progressive-revolutionary-democrat and even communist themselves suffer. The political positioning based on class distinction, the ideological formation is forgotten, instead of the development, empowerment, and power of the independent action and identity of the proletariat and the oppressed, it drags them into a line that is confined to the backed-up tailism and makes them believe that the system will change even if elected. This is also what happens in the US elections.
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